“The Limits of the EU Enlargement within the Western Balkans”


The Western Balkans in 2019

In 1999, the European Union (EU) adopted the Stability Pact for South East Europe, a moderately bold road-map for the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity for 9 post-communist nations (Albania, Bulgaria, Bosnia–Herzegovina, Croatia, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Moldova, Romania and Serbia) – most of that are within the Western Balkans. 4 12 months later, the EU issued one other enthusiastic declaration for the accession of the Western Balkans to the EU within the close to future (Ganou 2010: 23-25, 28-29).

Sixteen years onwards, the established order has not modified considerably. Though all of them have utilized for a membership, solely two have been admitted (Croatia and Slovenia). The outlook for the Western Balkans is kind of bleak as a number of issues inhibit the belief of the dream for a liberal and democratic order underneath the auspices of the EU. The rise of populism (e.g. in Albania) and hyper-nationalism (e.g. the concept of a Higher Albania), the revival of “previous passions” (e.g. the Kosovo or Bosnian Points), the antagonisms of Nice Powers (e.g. Moscow vs Washington over North Macedonia) and different structural points (e.g. corruption and arranged crime) undermine the way forward for this risky area (Dizdarević, 2018: 3-4 ).

Shattered World, Excessive Hopes (1999 – 2004)

The EU might not have efficiently resolved the Yugoslav Wars (Dover, 2005: 297-318; Radeljić 2012), however a minimum of resolved to stabilize this risky area. The rise to energy of reformist politicians in all 5 nations of the Western Balkans within the early 2000s appeared to sign a ripe second. In June 1999, the Cologne Summit adopted the Stability Pact for South Japanese Europe which declared, inter alia, that these post-communist nations ought to accede (in the end and solely underneath particular phrases) to the EU and NATO (Kotios, 2001: 196-207). Only a month earlier, one other coverage had been instituted by the EU: the Stabilization and Affiliation Course of (SAP). This coverage in impact would act as the mandatory framework for the eventual accession of the Western Balkans to the EU (Kotios, 2001: 196-207). The Zagreb Summit only one 12 months later confirmed the willingness of those nations to imagine, inter alia, the standing of a candidate nation for the EU (Ganou, 2010: 27).

Was such an optimism well-founded? In concept sure; in actuality no. Certainly, the Stability Pact improved sure (low-politics) areas such because the liberalization of the market however didn’t tackle in any respect the dire safety points. The armed uprisings by the Albanians in south Serbia and north-western North Macedonia (Daskalovski, 2004) between 1999 and 2001 rang the primary alarm bells and showcased that the mannequin for the EU’s enlargement in Central and Japanese Europe couldn’t be replicated (Bachev, 2004: 7-80).

The EU handled the Western Balkans in a pro-active (i.e. a real want for enlargement in Japanese and South-Japanese Europe) and re-active approach (i.e. the navy and political crises within the area). Regardless of ongoing crises (e.g. the Kosovo Query), the officers in Brussels have been imbued with a millennial-fashion optimism. The French-German Axis of the EU operated successfully, the Eurozone was established in 2001 and the EU was thought of the “Holy Grail” by politicians and peoples of post-communist European nations (Smith, 2000: 806-822; Smith, 2013: 103-113).

In March 2003, the EU deployed its first-ever peacekeeping mission in North Macedonia within the aftermath of the separatist rebellion by the nation’s Albanian minority (Rodt and Wolff, 2012: 142-143). A number of months later, the Thessaloniki Summit between the EU and the Western Balkans affirmed the curiosity of Brussels for the inclusion of the area’s six nations (Albania, Bosnia–Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Serbia, Croatia) and the intention of Athens to imagine a protagonist position to that finish (Tsoukalis 2004, 319-329; Economides 2005, 471-491; Bakoyannis 2006). The Western Balkans, surprisingly, have been the area of the Widespread Overseas and Safety Coverage (CFSP) and the European Fee on the similar time: the EU would assure (in concept) the stabilization of the risky area in addition to the harmonization of the post-communist nations with the acquis communautaire (Bachev, 2004: 1).

The EU pursued the simultaneous aims of state-building (for Bosnia – Herzegovina and Albania particularly), democratization and (financial and political) liberalization – a frightening enterprise for a supranational group that would not converse in a single voice (Bachev, 2004: 4-5). Generally the EU carried out adequately – as within the case of the velvet divorce between Serbia and Montenegro – and generally not so nicely. The EU, in contrast to the USA, possessed no prior expertise and experience in state-building. Regardless of this critical shortcoming, Brussels pushed ahead with this agenda – to a sure extent due to Athens. Certainly, Greece was probably the most ardent supporter for the accession of the Western Balkans to the EU. In line with the prevalent opinion in Athens on the time, this area (already economically penetrated by personal Greek companies) would ideally be transformed into an space of joint EU-Greek affect (Ioakimidis, 1999: 169-191).

A Gradual Progress (2004 – 2010)

Though Greece would squander a lot diplomatic capital within the title dispute with North Macedonia (Huliaras and Tsardanidis, 2006: 465-483), Athens would energetically help the Euro-Atlantic integration of the Western Balkans – generally with none tangible payoffs. The area, nonetheless, appeared on the sting of full membership inside the EU. In 2004 Slovenia acceded to the EU and three years later, Romania and Bulgaria. In 2013 it was the time of Croatia to turn into a full member. Albania, Montenegro, North Macedonia, even Serbia, petitioned their accession to the EU between 2008 and 2009. However they by no means achieved that goal. Why?

Nationalism would show a far larger pressure than federalism within the Western Balkans. In 2008 Kosovo unilaterally declared its independence in a controversial act, dividing the EU’s member-states on that matter. This act strained the nonetheless ongoing negotiations between Brussels and Belgrade and thrust Serbia into the open arms of a resurgent (within the Balkans) Russia (Bátora, Osland and Peter, 2017: 19-20). The identical 12 months, the Bucharest Summit (NATO’s 20th Summit) didn’t unfold as initially calculated. Though Albania and Croatia have been invited to accede to NATO, North Macedonia was not owing to the title dispute with Greece and the veiled risk of a veto by Athens (Gallis, 2008: 9-18). In the same approach, Greece would use the accession discussions between the EU and Albania since 2009 as an instrument of stress to actual the compliance of Tirana with its treaty obligations in the direction of the Greek minority in southern Albania (Skoulidas, 2012: 203-223; Cela, 2018: 5-16).

The Kosovo Query dropped at the fore the concept of “Higher Albania”. Although largely a by-product of populist rhetoric by leaders in Pristine and Tirana (Hilaj, 2013), the irredentist concept threatened to destabilize “fragile states” with a considerable Albanian minority corresponding to North Macedonia and Montenegro and, in essence, re-draw the map of the Balkans. Nevertheless, such a improvement would open Pandora’s Field: what would then dissuade the Serbs of Bosnia or others within the Balkans to not secede from their nominal governments?

The Bosnian Problem deserves a better consideration. Bosnia-Herzegovina is a “fragile state” which, beset by fixed interventions by outdoors actors (most notably Turkey and Russia), may explode into an open battle (Toal and Maksić, 2011: 279-293; Kartsonaki, 2016: 488-516). The existence of a whole lot of volunteers amidst the ranks of ISIS from Bosnia underlined the potential for homegrown terrorism and renewed sectarian violence among the many nation’s divided communities (Plakoudas, 2018: 87, 91-92). The same development was witnessed in Kosovo; in truth, Kosovo topped all different nations within the Western Balkans within the “export” of volunteers for ISIS (Azinović, 2018: 4). And though Muslims from different nations within the Western Balkans joined ISIS (e.g. North Macedonia or Serbia), solely in Bosnia did the hazard of a sectarian warfare loom on the horizon (Azinović, 2018: 4; Plakoudas, 2018: 87).

The looks of the “Inexperienced Hall” of the jihadists within the Balkans would solely add as much as one other persistent drawback within the Balkans: organized crime. The Western Balkans is a hotspot for organized crime syndicates (most notably the Albanian Mafia) because the “Southern Route” lately, overtook the “Central” and “Northern” routes within the domains of human trafficking, drug commerce and weapons smuggling into the center of Europe (Tarantini, 2016). Albania produces and traffics a lot of the medication in circulation throughout Western Europe and is taken into account a “narco-state” (Daragahi 2019; Reed, 2019) whereas the self-proclaimed Kosovo Republic is described as a “mafia state” by a number of students because of the robust ties between criminals and politicians on this impoverished and corrupt statelet (Briscoe and Value, 2011: 9-10, 13-15; Naím,2012: 100-111).

In Serbia and the newly-independent Montenegro, infamous mafias appeared through the Yugoslav Wars that also function all through the Balkans and Western Europe (Komlenovic, 1997: 70-73; Štrbac et al., 2016: 46-63), whereas mafia bosses in Bosnia nonetheless exert an acute affect over the affairs of this fragile state (Donais, 2003: 359–382; Belloni and Strazzari, 2014: 855–871). Solely Croatia and Slovenia have taken strides of their battle towards organized crime and, because of help by the EU, they considerably curtailed the facility of the as soon as highly effective organized crime syndicates (Anastasijevic, 2010: 149-168).  Because the case of the robust cooperation between ISIS and native mafias attests, an unholy alliance between mafias and terrorists emerged by their mutually helpful exploitation of the “Southern Route” (Bamiatzis, 2019).

Clearly, the prevalence of organized crime within the Western Balkans is intrinsically related to rampant corruption and, by extension, political opacity in these nations. Though within the early 2000s the will for accession to the EU had propelled the democratization of those war-torn post-communist nations, this impetus has been reversed in recent times. Populist leaders assumed energy in Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Montenegro and North Macedonia and adopted insurance policies in defiance of the sanctions by the EU (Brentin and Trošt, 2016: 1-16; Kaufmann, 2017).  For instance, the ex-prime minister of North Macedonia, Nikola Gruevski, was implicated in a number of scandals (even the wiretapping of the opposition) and resigned in 2016 solely after mass public protests and stress by Brussels and Washington. The rise of the populists occurred on the similar time with one other worrisome improvement: the renewed rivalry amongst exterior actors.

Battleground for Exterior Powers (2010 – Current)

The “European Dream” for the Western Balkans was conceived and carried out by the pro-EU Balkan elites and officers in Brussels (Exadaktylos 2008). The plunge of Greece right into a recession spiral for an intermittent interval of seven years (2010-2013 and 2015-2017) faraway from the scene probably the most ardent supporter for the Euro-Atlantic accession of the Western Balkans. Berlin, the “reluctant hegemon” of the EU, was equally beset with the excessive mission of navigating a divided and indebted EU out of the treacherous waters of financial despair and political fragmentation; as Brexit and the 2015 Migrant Disaster attested, the EU couldn’t ultimately keep away from “stagnation” (Webber, 2018; Barber, 2019; Luo, 2019). With the Western Balkans not a high precedence, different powers outdoors Europe tried to fill the vacuum – the USA and Russia. This doesn’t suggest that the 2 powers have been absent within the earlier interval; they have been simply not as lively as now.

Because the “European Dream” receded within the Western Balkans, so did the converse southwards enlargement of NATO progress. An alliance with the superpower gave the impression to be nonetheless a acutely aware choice for the elites of the post-communist Balkan nations – as their steady help for Washington’s coverage towards Iraq or Russia between 2003 and 2008 amply demonstrated. On the similar time, one other extra-European energy, Russia, re-emerged in a area that was thought to be its sphere of affect up to now. Russia underneath Putin unveiled a brand new imaginative and prescient for the world (and for the nation itself) that aspired to largely undo the post-1989 geopolitical losses of the Kremlin (Roberts, 2017: 28-55). However Putin is not only a revisionist; he’s an opportunist par excellence. He exploits each doable alternative to open the entry of Russia to the “heat waters” of the Mediterranean Sea. Certainly, Moscow orchestrated an abortive coup d’état in Montenegro simply earlier than the accession of Podgorica to NATO, supported the ex-prime minister of North Macedonia after the latter’s fallout with Washington and Brussels and capitalized on the anger of Republica Srpska and Serbia over the West’s perceived injustices towards them on the Bosnian and Kosovo points (Secrieru, 2019; Stronski and Himes, 2019). Alarmed by Russia’s renewed vigor, the USA essayed to speed up their accession to NATO. Podgorica joined the alliance in 2017 however Skopje, the “apple of discord” between Moscow and Washington, couldn’t despite the truth that the title dispute with Greece was ultimately settled in 2019.

The Approach Forward

When the primary pictures of the Yugoslav Wars (1991-2001) have been exchanged in Slovenia, the (then) Prime Minister of Luxemburg memorably uttered “the hour of Europe has dawned”. Regardless of this over-optimistic declaration, the EU proved fully unable (and unwilling typically) to stop or cease the bloodshed in its personal yard: certainly, solely the navy would possibly of the USA and NATO concluded probably the most damaging wars in post-1945 Europe (Lucarelli, 2000, Kaufman, 2002). Virtually twenty years after that “second of reality”, the EU has not but achieved to combine absolutely the Western Balkans into the sui generis confederation – except for Slovenia and Croatia; certainly, NATO was much more profitable in that respect.

The outlook will not be very optimistic; the “European Dream” seems to be untenable for the opposite nations of the Western Balkans. However even the present scenario inside the EU is kind of tumultuous; certainly, the 2015 Migrant Disaster and Brexit attested to the structural issues inside the EU. This supra-national group is at the moment present process a transitional section which can eventuate to both the substantive reinforcement of this sui generis experiment in federalism or the dissolution of the union. The decline of the “mushy energy” of the EU is certainly not a very good omen (Van Ham, 2014: 14-15).

The “America First” Doctrine by the Trump Administration and the quarrel between the USA and EU will relegate as soon as once more the Western Balkans to the bottom-end of the “precedence sheet” for Washington. With an introvert EU and neo-isolationist USA, perhaps the Western Balkans ought to higher attempt to foster a strong cooperation amongst themselves on a brand new foundation – not simply within the safety sector (principally underneath the umbrella of NATO) but additionally in financial and diplomatic phrases.

The important thing challenges for the Western Balkans nonetheless persist. Corruption continues to plague a lot of the nations of that risky area – partly due to the attract of organized crime and partly due to the rise of populism. The networks between organized crime, terrorism and political circles nonetheless thrive – because the evaluation of the assorted threats behind the latest terrorist strike in Vienna would point out. Organized crime nonetheless dominates the financial system of a number of nations (e.g. Kosovo) and impacts the political developments as nicely.

As if these challenges weren’t sufficient, COVID-19 additionally impacted severely on the financial system and societies of the Western Balkans. The EU, as soon as once more, proved unable to increase a serving to hand to those nations. Different nations outdoors Europe, corresponding to China, the UAE or Turkey, alternatively, stuffed this vacuum with their “COVID-19 diplomacy” (in different phrases, the availability of medical workers for the pandemic) and undermined the EU’s mushy energy even additional.


Anastasijevic, Dejan. 2010. “Getting Higher? A Map of Organized Crime within the Western Balkans” in Transnational Terrorism, Organized Crime and Peace-Constructing: Human Safety within the Western Balkans. edited by Wolfgang Benedek et al. 149-168. New York: Palgrave Macmillan

Azinović, Vlado. 2018. “Understanding Violent Extremism within the Western Balkans”. British Council: Extremism Analysis Discussion board

Bachev, Dimitar. 2004. “Between Enlargement and CFSP: The EU and Western Balkans”, paper offered on the LSE European Overseas Coverage Convention, June 2-3, London, UK

Bakoyannis, Dora. 2006. “An built-in technique for Southeast Europe: The Function of Greece” Washington, D.C.: Heart for Strategic and Worldwide Research

Bamiatzis, Spiros. 2019. “An Unholy Alliance of Muslim Extremists and Organized Crime within the Balkans. Case Research: Albania, Kosovo, Bosnia Herzegovina”. Athens: ELIAMEP

Barber, Tonty. 2019. “Germany and the European Union: Europe’s Reluctant Hegemon?”. Monetary Instances, March 11

Bátora, Jozef, Kari Osland and Mateja Peter. 2017. “The EU’s Disaster Administration within the Kosovo-Serbia Crises”. EUNPACK: Comenius College

Belloni, Roberto and Francesco Strazzari. 2014. “Corruption in Submit-Battle Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo: A Deal amongst Mates”. Third World Quarterly 35 (5): 855–871

Brentin, Dario and Tamara Pavasović Trošt. 2016. “Populism from Beneath within the Balkans”. Modern Southeastern Europe 3 (2): 1-16

Briscoe, Ivan and Megan Value. 2011. “Kosovo’s New Map of Energy: Governance and Crime within the Wake of Independence”. Hague: Netherlands Institute of Worldwide Relations

Cela, Alba. 2018. “Albania-Greece Relations within the Context of Albania’s EU Integration Course of: Hole between Actuality and Notion” in Albania and Greece: Understanding and Explaining. edited by Alba Cela et al. 5-16. Albania: Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung

Daragahi, Borzou. 2019. “‘Colombia of Europe’: How Tiny Albania Turned the Continent’s Drug Trafficking Headquarters”. Unbiased, January 27

Daskalovski, Zidas. 2004. “The Macedonian Battle of 2001: Between Profitable Diplomacy, Rhetoric and Terror”. Centre for Submit-Communist Research: St. Francis Xavier College

Dizdarević, Zlatko. 2018. “The European Union and the Western Balkans: Dangerous Plans and Unfilled Guarantees”. Berlin: Heinrich Böll Stiftung, 2018

Donais, Timothy. 2003. “The Political Financial system of Stalemate: Organised Crime, Corruption and Financial Deformation in Submit-Dayton Bosnia”. Battle, Safety & Improvement 3 (3) 359–382

Dover, Robert. 2005. “The EU and the Bosnian Civil Struggle 1992-1995: The Capabilities-Expectations Hole on the Fireplace of the EU’s Overseas Coverage”. European Safety 14 (3): 297-318

Economides, Spyros. 2005. “The Europeanisation of Greek Overseas Coverage”. West European Politics 28 (2): 471-491

Exadaktylos, Theofanis. 2008. “The Case of EU involvement within the Western Balkans: Europeanizing Greek Overseas Coverage”, paper offered on the ECPR Joint Periods, April 11-16. Rennes, France

Gallis, Paul. 2008. “Enlargement Points at NATO’s Bucharest Summit”. Congressional Analysis Service: Washington D.C.

Ganou, Aikaterini. 2010. «Η Εξέλιξη των Σχέσεων Μεταξύ της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων από το 1989 Μέχρι Σήμερα» [“The Evolution of the Relations Between the European Union and the Western Balkans from 1989 Until Today”]. MA Thesis: College of Piraeus

[Global Politics Staff]. 2017. “Kosovo and the Jihadist Inexperienced Hall within the Balkans.” World Politics, Might 24

Ham, Peter van. 2014. “Gridlock, Corruption and Crime within the Western Balkans Why the EU Should Acknowledge its Limits”. Hague: Netherlands Institute of Worldwide Relations

Hilaj, Arjan. 2013. “The Albanian Nationwide Query and the Fable of Higher Albania”. Carlisle Barracks: US Military Struggle School

Huliaras, Asteris and Charalampos Tsardanidis. 2006. “(Mis)understanding the Balkans: Greek Geopolitical Codes of the Submit-Communist Period”. Geopolitics 11 (3): 465-483

[ICG Staff]. 2001. “Peace in Presevo: Fast Repair or Everlasting Answer?”. Pristina / Belgrade / Brussels: Worldwide Disaster Group, Report 116

Ioakimidis, Panayotis C. 1999. “Greece, the European Union and Southeastern Europe: Previous Failures and Future Prospects” in Greece and the New Balkans Challenges and Alternatives. edited by Van Coufudakis et al. 169-191. New York: Pella Publishing Firm

Kartsonaki, Argyro. 2016. “Twenty Years after Dayton: Bosnia-Herzegovina (Nonetheless) Secure and Explosive”. Civil Wars 18 (4): 488-516

Kaufman, Joyce P. 2002. NATO and the Former Yugoslavia: Disaster, Battle and the Atlantic Alliance. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield

Kaufmann, Nicholas. 2017. “Why Resurgent Balkan Populism May Show Extra Harmful Than Donald Trump. Newsweek, January 27

Komlenovic, Uros. 1997. “State and Mafia in Yugoslavia”. East European Constitutional Assessment 6 (4): 70-73

Kotios, Angelos. 2001. “The European Union’s Balkan Improvement Coverage”. Intereconomics 36 (4): 196-207

Lucarelli, Sonia. 2000. Europe and the Breakup of Yugoslavia. A Political Failure in Search of a Scholarly Clarification. The Hague: Kluwer Regulation Worldwide

Luo, Chih-Mei. 2019. The EU’s Disaster Decade: Reflecting on EU Capitalism and Governance. London: Palgrave Macmillan

Naím, Moisés. “Mafia States: Organized Crime Takes Workplace”. Overseas Affairs 91 (3): 100-111.

Plakoudas, Spyridon. 2018. “The Affect of the Arab Spring on the Safety and Stability within the Balkans”. Balkan Research 51: 85-98

Radeljić, Branislav. 2012. Europe and the Collapse of Yugoslavia – The Function of Non-State Actors and European Diplomacy. London; New York: IB Tauris

Reed, Monty. 2019. “The Inside Story of Europe’s First Narco-State”, Vice, June 7

Roberts, Kari. 2017. “Understanding Putin: The Politics of Identification and Geopolitics in Russian Overseas Coverage Discourse”. Worldwide Journal 72 (1): 28-55

Rodt, Annemarie Peen and Stefan Wolff. 2012. “EU Battle Administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia” in The EU as a World Battle Supervisor. edited by Richard G. Whitman and Stefan Wolff. 138-151. London: Routledge

Saranzini, Cf. Fiorenza. 2011. “Soldi E Moschee, Osama Avanza Nei Balcani” [“Money And Mosques, Osama Advances In The Balkans”]. Corriere della Sera, November 8

Secrieru, Stanislav. 2019. “Russia within the Western Balkans: Tactical Wins, Strategic Setbacks”. Brussels: EU Institute for Safety Research

Skoulidas, Ilias. 2012. “The Relations of Greece and Albania” [«Οι σχέσεις Ελλάδος και Αλβανίας»] in Balkans 1913-2011: One Hundred Years of Storms and Chimeras [Βαλκάνια 1913-2011. Εκατό Χρόνια Θύελλες και Χίµαιρες]. edited by Nikolaos Mertzos et al. 203-223. Thessaloniki: Etairia Makedonikon Spoudon

Smith, Michael. 2000. “Negotiating New Europes: The Roles of the European Union”. Journal of European Public Coverage 7 (5): 806-822

Smith, Karen E. 2013. “The European Union: A Distinctive Actor in Worldwide Relations”. The Brown Journal of World Affairs 9 (2): 103-113

Štrbac, Katarina et al. 2016. “Organized crime in Western Balkans: Case Serbia”, Vojno Delo, 68 (4): 46-63

Stronski, Paul and Annie Himes. 2019. “Russia’s Video games within the Balkans”. Brussels: Carnegie Endowment for Worldwide Peace

Tarantini, Giulia. 2016. “The Balkan Route: Organized Crime in South-Japanese Europe: Root Causes, Present Developments and Future Prospects”. United Nations College: Institute on Comparative Regional Integration Research

Toal, Gerard and Adis Maksić. 2011. “Is Bosnia-Herzegovina Unsustainable? Implications for the Balkans and European Union”. Eurasian Geography and Economics 52 (2): 279-293

Tsakonas, Panayotis. 2001. “Submit‐Chilly Struggle Safety Dilemmas: Greece in Search of the Proper Balancing Recipe” in Greece and Turkey After the Finish of the Chilly Struggle. edited by Panayotis J. Tsakonas and Christodoulos Okay. Yiallourides. 145-159. New York: Caratzos Publishers

Tsoukalis, Loukas. 2004. “The Way forward for Greece within the European Union” in Greece within the Twentieth Century. edited by Theodore A. Couloumbis et al. 319-329. London: Frank Cass

Webber, Douglas. 2018. European Disintegration? The Politics of Disaster within the European Union. London: Pink Globe Press

Additional Studying on E-Worldwide Relations